Anti-Colonialism and Education Essay Example for Free

Anti-Colonialism and Education Essay In Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, George J. Sefa Dei and Arlo Kempf have given us a stimulating intellectual account of the issues surrounding the active attempt for educational liberation. The authors who have contributed to the volume have been well chosen to present creative approaches to this abiding problem in most of the world. As we engage the legacies of colonialism we are more certain today that the nonmaterial legacies are as important in our thinking as the material ones when we engage questions of resistance and recovery. The colonizer did not only seize land, but also minds. If colonialism’s in? uence had been merely the control of land that would have required only one form of resistance, but when information is also colonized, it is essential that the resistance must interrogate issues related to education, information and intellectual transformations. Colonialism seeks to impose the will of one people on another and to use the resources of the imposed people for the bene? t of the imposer. Nothing is sacred in such a system as it powers its way toward the extinction of the wills of the imposed upon with one objective in mind: the ultimate subjection of the will to resist. An effective system of colonialism reduces the imposed upon to a shell of a human who is incapable of thinking in a subjective way of his or her own interest. In everything the person becomes like the imposer; thus in desires, wishes, visions, purposes, styles, structures, values, and especially the values of education, the person operates against his or her own interest. Colonialism does not engender creativity; it sti? es it, suppresses it under the cloak of assistance when in fact it is creating conditions that make it impossible for humans to effectively resist. And yet there has always been resistance and there are new methods of resistance gaining ground each day. The intricacies of engaging colonialism are as numerous as the ways colonialism has impacted upon the world. Indeed, the political-economic, socialbehavioral, and cultural-aesthetic legacies of the colonizing process have left human beings with a variety of ways to confront the impact of those legacies. What we see in Anti-Colonialism and Education is a profound attempt to capture for the reader the possibilities inherent in educational transformation through the politics of resistance. Professors Dei and Kempf have exercised a judicious imagination in selecting the authors for the chapters in this book. Each author is an expert in the area of the topic, skilled in presentation of the facts based upon current theories, and articulate in the expression of a need for educators to understand the pressures ix FOREWORD both for and against colonialism. However, they all take the position that it is necessary to explore all formulations that might achieve a liberated sphere of education. Since education normally follows the dominant political lines in a country where you have colonial political principles you will ? nd colonial education. If you have the vestiges of past colonial practices, you will see those practices re? ected in the educational system. I remember a colleague from Algeria saying to me that when the French ruled the country the students learned that their ancestors were the Gauls. When independence came to Algeria, he said, the people were taught that their ancestors were Arabs. The fact that this was only true for those individuals who had Arab origins, and thirty percent did not have such ancestry, was uninteresting to the political agenda. And so it has been in every nation where you have a political intention to mold a country on the basis of domination you will also have resistance. One seems to go with the other regardless to how long the process seems to take to commence. This is not just an exciting work intellectually; it is a beautiful book edited with intelligence and executed with the kind of research and scholarship that will bring us back to its pages many times. Each author seems to feel the same desire to teach us to be truly human; that is enough for us to inaugurate our own anti-colonialism campaign in our schools and colleges. I shall gladly join the fray to make the world better. Mole? Kete Asante Elkins Park, PA 19027 USA x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book could not have been completed without the political interest and will of the many people who shared their knowledge in this joint undertaking. While the task of re-visioning schooling and education for the contemporary learner and teacher may be daunting at times, we believe strongly that it is by no means insurmountable. In fact, we have a wealth of knowledge with which to help transform education into a process and practice that serves the needs of the collective. We hope this book will contribute to the debate and discussion of how to address not only the imperialization of knowledge but also the various forms of intellectual colonization that mask themselves as everyday academic truth and valid knowledge. George Dei would like to thank the students of his graduate level course, SES 3914S: â€Å"Anti-Colonial Thought and Pedagogical Challenges† in the fall of 2004 whose insights and discussions helped propel the vision for this collection. Arlo Kempf would like to thank Lola Douglas, Meghan Mckee and Randy Kempf for their support and loveliness. He would also like to thank George Dei and the contributors for their ideas and hard work over the duration of this project. We both owe a great deal of intellectual depth to our colleagues, peers and friends who constantly challenge us to think more deeply and avoid academic closure. It is in the actions and resistance of the people that theory is born and takes life – to all who struggle against colonialism without the privilege of a pen in hand, we thank and salute you. Our academic objective for the book was also shaped by a desire to let our community politics inform intellectual pursuits at all times. We want to thank Geoff Rytell, who initially helped proofread sections of the book, as well as Cheryl Williams for her ongoing support. Finally we say â€Å"thank you† to Joe Kincheloe, Shirley Steinberg and Peter de Liefde who made this book a reality. George Dei Arlo Kempf xi GEORGE J. SEFA DEI INTRODUCTION: MAPPING THE TERRAIN – TOWARDS A NEW POLITICS OF RESISTANCE INTRODUCTION I begin this chapter with a question germane as to why and how we articulate anticolonial thought. Informed by Steven Biko’s (1978) earlier work, I ask: â€Å"Why is it necessary for us as colonized peoples to think and re? ect collectively about a problem not of our creation i. e. , the problem of colonialism? † This question is central since colonialism has not ended and we see around us today various examples of colonial and neo-colonial relations produced within our schools, colleges, universities, homes, families, workplaces and other institutional settings. It is often said that globalization is the new word for imperialism. History and context are crucial for anti-colonial undertakings. Understanding our collective past is signi? cant for pursuing political resistance. Haunani-Kay Trask (1991) writes about the importance of the past to Indigenous peoples as a way to challenge the dominant’s call to amputate the past and its histories. For the people of Hawaiia, Trask notes that â€Å"we do not need, nor do we want [to be] liberated from our past because it is source of our understanding . . . [We] . . . stand ? rmly in the present, with [our] back to the future, and [our] eyes ? xed upon the past, seeking historical answers for present-day dilemmas† (p. 164). In order to understand the knowledge and resistance of the past as it relates to contemporary politics of resistance, one has to know and learn about this past. As noted elsewhere (Dei, 2000, p. 11), for colonized peoples decolonization involves a reclamation of the past, previously excluded in the history of the colonial and colonized nations. They must identify the colonial historical period from the perspectives of their places and their peoples. Knowledge of the past is also relevant in so far as we as people must use that knowledge â€Å"responsibly†. But our situatedness as knowledge producers and how we perform â€Å"the gaze† on subjects, at times accord power and privilege to some bodies and not others. Therefore, an anti-colonial struggle must identify and de? ne a political project and show its connections to the academic engagement. Franz Fanon and Karl Marx have both cautioned us that â€Å"what matters is not to know the world but to change it†. This assertion calls for a recognition of the multiple points/places of responsibility and accountability. For example, what does it mean to talk of accountability as far as identity and subjectivity, however complex? It may well mean taking the stance that in political work for change, certain issues are not negotiable. In other words, we need to see there are limits and possibilities of â€Å"negotiating† in anti-colonial struggles and politics. As Howard (2004) asks: How much can be G. J. S. Dei and A. Kempf (eds. ), Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, 1–23.  © 2006. Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. DEI accomplished if we decide to â€Å"negotiate† around domination or oppression? Are we negotiating as part of a democratic exercise? Rabaka (2003) has argued that â€Å"one of the most important tasks of a critical anti-colonial theory . . . is to capture and critique the continuities and discontinuities of the colonial and neocolonial in order to make sense of our currently . . . colonized life and . . . worlds† (p. 7). Therefore as we begin to ? esh out anti-colonial theory and practice, it is ? tting to ask some critical questions (see also Butler, 2002): Is there still a colonized South? What about a colonized North? Do we think of neo-colonialism/colonialism/post-colonialism as bridges, as new articulations, or as a continuation with no marked differentiation? What is â€Å"post† about/in the â€Å"post-colonial†? Is the theoretical distinction between neo-colonialism and colonialism spurious at best? What are the purposes and underlying intentions of making such distinctions? What are the convergences and the divergences in post-colonial and anti-colonial thoughts? Does â€Å"neo† in neo-colonial mean â€Å"new†, or â€Å"transformed†? What is neo-colonialism? What are its antecedents and its marked practices? What are the mechanisms and institutions that constitute neo-colonialism? Why do we speak of neo-colonialism and not anti-colonialism? Are the structures, practices and ideas which enable colonialism really that different from those of neo-colonialism? Are the differences between neo-colonialism and colonialism more than theoretical? Whose interests are advanced in speaking of neo-colonialism/post-colonialism? What are the [dis]junctures and [dis]continuities between colonialism and neo-colonialism? How do discursive forces and material aspects interact to further our understanding of colonial? How do we speak of power, coercion, subjectivity, agency and resistance in anti-colonial discursive practice? What are the relations between neo-colonialism and White supremacy? The book does not presume to offer full answers to all these questions. But it is hoped the discussions that follow offer some entry points into a new politics of engagement towards the formulation of a critical anti-colonial lens. The power of the anti-colonial prism lies in its offering of new philosophical insights to challenge Eurocentric discourses, in order to pave the way for Southern/indigenous intellectual and political emancipation. In this discussion, anti-colonial is de? ned as an approach to theorizing colonial and re-colonial relations and the implications of imperial structures on the processes of knowledge production and validation, the understanding of indigeneity, and the pursuit of agency, resistance and subjective politics (see also Dei and Asgharzadeh, 2001). Colonialism, read as imposition and domination, did not end with the return of political sovereignty to colonized peoples or nation states. Colonialism is not dead. Indeed, colonialism and re-colonizing projects today manifest themselves in variegated ways (e. g. the different ways knowledges get produced and receive validation within schools, the particular experiences of students that get counted as [in]valid and the identities that receive recognition and response from school authorities. The anti-colonial prism theorizes the nature and extent of social domination and particularly the multiple places that power, and the relations of power, work to establish dominant-subordinate connections. This prism also scrutinizes 2 INTRODUCTION and deconstructs dominant discourses and epistemologies, while raising questions of and about its own practice. It highlights and analyzes contexts, and explores alternatives to colonial relations. Loomba (1998) sees colonialism as signifying â€Å"territorial ownership† of a place/space by an imperial power, while imperialism on the other hand is the governing ideology for such occupation. Anti-colonial thought works with these two themes/projects – colonialism and imperialism as never ending. The colonial in anti-colonial however, invokes much more. It refers to anything imposed and dominating rather than that which is simply foreign and alien. Colonialism reinforces exclusive notions of belonging, difference and superiority (Principe, 2004). It pursues a politics of domination which informs and constructs dominant images of both the colonizer and the colonized (Memmi, 1969). Colonialism is not simply complicit in how we come to know ourselves and its politics. It also establishes sustainable hierarchies and systems of power. Colonial images continually uphold the colonizers’ sense of reason, authority and control. It scripts and violates the colonized as the violent â€Å"other†, while, in contrast, the colonizer is pitted as an innocent, benevolent and [imperial] saviour (see also Principe, 2004). This historical relationship of the colonizer and colonized continues to inform contemporary subject identity formation and knowledge production. It shapes and informs identities by recreating colonial ideologies and mythologies (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). In theorizing the anti-colonial discursive framework, I would highlight some key salient points. All knowledge can be located in the particular social contexts from which it emerges. Such location shapes the ways of knowing and understanding the social and political relations at play in constructing social realities. The anti-colonial prism takes the position that all knowledges are socially situated and politically contested. The anti-colonial discourse is situated in colonial relations of power that are contested through resistant practices against domination and oppression. In working with resistant knowledges, the liberating in? uence of critical anti-colonial discourse becomes clear. The anti-colonial discourse works with the idea of the epistemological power of the colonized subjects. The colonial knowing is situated and informed within particular social contexts (see also Harding, 1996). Such â€Å"situated knowledges† (hooks, 1991; Collins, 1990) also point to the importance of subjectivity, positionality, location and history. In this regard, the anti-colonial referent is to the epistemologies about, and of, marginalized, colonized subjects. Particular and different interests are served by knowledge systems, and the anti-colonial aim is to subvert dominant thinking that re-inscribes colonial and colonizing relations. The ability and strength of the anti-colonial prism to draw upon different discursive traditions to explain social and political phenomena is an important strength for multiple knowings. But anti-colonial thought, while borrowing from other theoretical frameworks, is not constrained by dominant epistemologies. It calls for a critical awareness of the social relations and power issues embedded in the ways of organizing the production, interrogation, validation and dissemination of knowledge in order to challenge social oppression and 3 DEI consequently subvert domination. It also calls for acknowledging accountability and power. Since the burden of oppression is not shared equally among groups, and that even among the oppressed we are not all affected the same way (see also Larbalestier, 1990), we must all be able to address questions of accountability and responsibility of knowledge. It is within such a context that one must evaluate the politics of anti-colonial thought, in its call for a radical transformation of the analytical and conceptual frames of reference, used both in the academy and in mainstream public discourse so that the minoritized, subjugated voice, experience and history can be powerfully evoked, acknowledged and responded to. Unless we are able to articulate the grounds on which we share a dialogue and challenge the power relations of knowledge production, we will be shirking the responsibility of acting on our knowledge. The academic project of anti-colonial thinking and practice is to challenge and resist Eurocentric theorizing of the colonial encounter. Such Eurocentric theorizing is best captured in representations of minoritized/colonized bodies and their knowledges, and through the power of colonial imageries. The anticolonial critique also deals with interrogations of colonial representations and imaginaries examining processes and representations of legitimacy and degeneracy through the mutually constitutive relations of power. Colonialisms were/are practised differently; they differ in their representations and consequently have myriad in? uences, impacts and implications for different communities. Colonial practices can be refracted around race, gender, class, age, disability, culture and nation as sites of difference. In many ways the â€Å"anti-colonial thought† is the emergence of a new political, cultural and intellectual movement re? ecting the values and aspirations of colonized and resisting peoples/subjects. The Western academy cannot continue to deny the intellectual agency of colonized peoples. As resisting subjects, we will all have to confront and deal with the historic inferiorization of colonial subjects, and the devaluation of rich histories and cultures. What is required is critical educational praxis that is anchored in anti-colonial thought to challenge and subvert the â€Å"Western cultural and capital overkill†, and shed the insulting idea that others know and understand us [as colonized subjects] better than we understand ourselves (see also Prah, 1997, pp. 19–23). Colonized peoples require an anti-colonial prism that is useful in helping to disabuse our minds of the lies and falsehoods told about our peoples, our pasts and our histories (see also Rodney, 1982). We need to present anti-colonial discourse as a way to challenge Eurocentric culture as the tacit norm everyone references and on which so many of us cast our gaze (Kincheloe and Steinberg, 1998, p. 11). This approach to anti-colonial discursive thought and practice is also informed by the academic and political project calling for knowledge that colonised groups can use to ? nd authentic and viable solutions to our own problems. In this struggle we can point to some positive developments. For example everywhere today, we (as colonized peoples) are reclaiming and reinvigorating our marginalised, and in some cases, lost voices and are speaking for ourselves. Within educational academies in North America and in the South, there 4

The Civil Rights Movement Essay -- Black struggle for civil rights in A

This paper will discuss the Black struggle for civil rights in America by examining the civil rights movement's history and reflecting on Blacks' status in contemporary society, will draw upon various related sources to substantiate its argument. The history of Black social change following the Emancipation Proclamation will be provided to show the evolution of the civil rights struggle. Obstacles that impede the movement's chance of success, such as ignorance in both Whites and Blacks, and covert governmental racism will be discussed. The effectiveness of several elements that compose the movement will reveal their progress, and how this has aided the movement as a whole. The paper will conclude that the struggle for equality has produced significant results, but has not achieved its ultimate goal, which is equality between race. This is so because the contemporary White power structure maintains control of society in ways that are less apparent than they were thirty years ago, but retain a similarly powerful grip. To combat racism today, the struggle for civil rights must explore new methods that illuminate racial discrimination and distinction more clearly. Continuing to fight for social justice is the only way equality can one-day become a reality. Historically, Black groups and leaders have advocated many philosophies that hope to achieve equality. This was the case during two very important times in history, Reconstruction and the 1960s. The first articulated philosophies as means to achieve equality; the second implemented these ideas with great success. Immediately following the Civil War, during Reconstruction, much of the White power structure was overtly racist and angry. Booker T. Washington enco... ...d today. Nonviolence is used as a form of patient protest such as boycotting a business that discriminates. Black power is used to create programs that improve the every day situation of Blacks. Both philosophies make the black situation in America better, by continuing the tradition of protest. Indeed, "the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line" (Greenberg, syllabus). Blacks should study the event in history to understand how Blacks have fought against the White dominant power structure. This is the best way to continue the struggle for equality. Abbreviated Bibliography . Barnard, ed. (Virginia Durr), Outside the Magic Circle . Elaine Brown, A Taste of Power . William Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights . Kenneth O?Reilly, Racial Matters . Ida B. Wells, Crusade for Justice . Robert Williams, Negroes with Guns

Franklin D. Roosevelt: Creative Leadership in a Lifetime of Public Service

Franklin D. Roosevelt: Creative Leadership in a Lifetime of Public Service Leading the United States of America through an economic crisis and a world war, Franklin Delano Roosevelt demonstrated the traits of a creative leader not only in his policy-making, but also in the way he carried his image. From State Senator of New York to 32nd President of the United States, Roosevelt epitomised resourcefulness in his steady ascent of the political ladder, culminating with taking charge of the country during one of the toughest times it had ever experienced.Over the course of his leadership, Roosevelt certainly gained – if not already possessed – the domain knowledge required to generate creativity in his field of politics. In fact, he was primed for a career in public service even since his early education Roosevelt first entered the face of American politics in the State Election of 1910, running for the New York State Senate. In his second term, he served as chairman of the Agriculture Committee, passing effective farm and labour bills.This success was to some extent a precursor of his New Deal policies (to be discussed in greater detail later), which despite imperfections were reflective of creative leadership in the aspect of Dr Ronald Heifetz’s â€Å"adaptive work†. Following this, in 1913, Roosevelt was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Navy – a role from which he gained experience that would prove relevant in his later years as Commander-in-Chief during World War II. Although traditionally the prerogative of the Secretary rather than the Assistant Secretary, he worked on the general development of U.S. naval policy, and his advocacy for a â€Å"big navy† earned him support from Navy personnel. As State Senator, Roosevelt openly opposed the Tammany Hall political machine; as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he opposed Frederick Taylor’s â€Å"stopwatch† system towards industrial efficiency. In both posi tions, his stand inevitably favoured certain stakeholders and incensed others. Although this meant losing support from some people, it represented creating the â€Å"disequilibrium† that Heifetz describes as necessary for mobilising adaptive work.Roosevelt was hence able to effectively â€Å"orchestrate conflict and create disorder† in order to achieve greater overall progress. Roosevelt was a leader who avoided letting his personal life affect his political career. In the summer of 1921, he contracted poliomyelitis, which resulted in permanent paralysis from the waist down. However, Roosevelt was adamant about preserving his image of health to the people, which he believed was necessary to run for public office again.He made sure that the press presented him in a manner which did not highlight his disability, and refrained from being seen in his wheelchair in public. In doing this, he protected his status as a leader in the eyes of the people, rather than allowing his illness to undermine his ability to serve in public office. Roosevelt went further to establish the March of Dimes, a non-profit organisation seeking to combat polio. He was hence able to turn an adversity on its head and generate even greater public support from it instead.In the 1920s, Roosevelt mended fences with the Democratic Party, and moderated his stance against the Tammany Hall machine. He went on to be elected as Governor of New York in 1928, and re-elected for a second term in 1930. While in that position, he instated several social programmes such as the New York State Emergency Relief Commission. In line with the importance of working with partners that Heifetz emphasises in his book, Leadership Without Easy Answers, Roosevelt worked closely with Frances Perkins and Harry Hopkins, particularly in the aspect of solving America’s economic problems during the period.Roosevelt also made the key statement that â€Å"progressive government by its very terms, must be a living and growing thing†, presenting governance as a conceptual space that could be explored and transformed, and once again relating to Heifetz’s â€Å"adaptive challenge†. When Roosevelt was elected President in 1932, the United States was struggling under the Great Depression, which began even while he was Governor and involved a stock market crash and soaring unemployment. It was on this backdrop that Roosevelt introduced the New Deal, a series of economic programmes to tackle the problems during this difficult period.Within his â€Å"First 100 Days†, he passed various programmes through Congress, setting up the Civilian Conservation Corps, the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Emergency Banking Act among many others. Roosevelt made his mark on the history of American politics in this record number of bills passed during the initial months of his Presidency; since then, U. S. Presidents have been judged by what they achieve in their first hundred days. Roosevelt entered the Presidency with immense political capital due to the urgency of the economy’s state, and effectively capitalised on this to implement creative policies.In the â€Å"Second New Deal† (1935-1936), he went on to propose bolder and even more initiatives, such as the Works Progress Administration and the Social Security Act. The latter, in fact, set the foundation for the framework of the U. S. welfare system which exists till today. Roosevelt was willing to take risks; he implemented policies which involved significant government intervention at the expense of a budget deficit, even though he knew this would be unpopular. He was aware that leadership was not merely about appeasing the people, but required tough measures in response to the situation at times.Although his New Deal policies met criticism as being a haphazard collection of schemes, Roosevelt himself insisted that they were â€Å"the orderly component parts of a connected and logica l whole†. Either way, we must recognise that the economic climate at that time was extremely volatile, and in reacting spontaneously to unfolding events rather than strictly adhering to a set plan, Roosevelt was doing exactly what Heifetz describes of creative leaders – bringing adaptive work to the people, and mobilising it towards solutions. Roosevelt also found a novel way of addressing the people through a series of radio talks called â€Å"fireside chats†.Through these, he introduced and explained the policies to the people as they were being implemented. He knew that transparency was important, and even as he passed acts which allowed greater state intervention in the country’s social and economic affairs, he made clear to the people what he was intending to achieve with these initiatives. His policies were met with mixed reviews, but ultimately, most agree that this era was an important milestone in the progress of the U. S. political and economic s ystems. In 1940, Roosevelt became the first President to run for a third term, going against the unwritten rule of a two-term tradition.By this time, World War II had broken out. Roosevelt, as President, gave covert support to Britain and France in the form of arms provision despite officially stating neutrality. Eventually, while still remaining detached from actual military participation, he passed the Lend-Lease Act, essentially providing supplies to the other Allied nations at war. This was an innovative measure on Roosevelt’s part to support the Allied Powers against the Axis Powers without putting his own country in direct harm. Unfortunately, such a position can only remain temporarily, as the U. S. was clearly demonstrating its alliance.Unsurprisingly, the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbour on December 7, 1941, drawing the U. S. inescapably into the war. Not having fully recovered from its economic woes, being forced into combat was a heavy blow to the U. S.. Even in the throes of war, however, Roosevelt was successful in â€Å"externalising the conflict†, focusing on the Axis Powers as the enemy and keeping himself out of a position of blame. The situation also drove Roosevelt to establish the United Nations – originally the 26 countries opposing the Tripartite Pact represented by the â€Å"Declaration by United Nations†.Although not entirely a case of historical creativity, the coalition of governments across this large a number of nations was certainly a visionary initiative by Roosevelt. The UN has since grown into one of the most prominent international organisations. Roosevelt was definitely a man who saw purpose in his public service. Just before his death in 1945, he entered an unprecedented fourth term as President. His commitment was reflected in his continuous political presence and effort to evoke positive change in systems, even in times when support for him was low.Roosevelt incorporated wit when he was addressing the people, and maintained his dignity till the very end. Although it is impossible for all of his policies to have succeeded, especially considering the sheer multitude of new programmes and magnitude of fundamental change instigated during his time, Roosevelt did display fluency and flexibility – in that he generated a large number policies in a wide range of categories – as well as originality and the capacity for elaboration in his intricate plans. As one of the most influential figures in American history, Franklin D.Roosevelt definitely embodied the essence of a creative leader. ——————————————– [ 1 ]. â€Å"Groton School. † Theodore Roosevelt Center. Web. 27 Sept 2012. . [ 2 ]. Burns, James MacGregor. Roosevelt. Vol 1. New York: Easton Press, 1956. Print. [ 3 ]. â€Å"American President: Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Life Before the Presidency. † M iller Center. Web. 27 Sept 2012. . [ 4 ]. LaCerra, Charles. Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Tammany Hall of New York. Lanham, MD: University of America, 1997. Print. [ 5 ]. Heifetz, Ronald. Leadership Without Easy Answers.Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1994. [ 6 ]. Chen, Deborah. â€Å"The Embodiment of an Illness: Franklin Roosevelt's Public Representation of Polio. † Deliberations. (2001) Web. 26 Sep 2012. . [ 7 ]. Rose, David. â€Å"A History of the March of Dimes. † March of Dimes. 26 Aug. 2010. Web. 27 Sept 2012. . [ 8 ]. Pederson , William. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt. Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. Web. [ 9 ]. Theinl, Kevin. America’s Great Depression and Franklin D. Roosevelt’s attempt to reorganize the market with his New Deal. GRIN Verlag, 2011.Web. [ 10 ]. Boden, Margaret A. â€Å"What Is Creativity. † Dimensions of Creativity. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1996. Print. [ 11 ]. â€Å"The First Hundred Days. † US Government Info. Web. 27 Sept 2012. . [ 12 ]. â€Å"The New Deal. † 123HelpMe. com. 27 Sep 2012. . [ 13 ]. Burns, James MacGregor. Roosevelt. Vol 1. New York: Easton Press, 1956. Print. [ 14 ]. Heifetz, Ronald. Leadership Without Easy Answers. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1994. [ 15 ]. Boden, Margaret A. â€Å"What Is Creativity. † Dimensions of Creativity. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1996. Print.

The American Dream Essay - 799 Words

What is the American Dream? In America, numerous cultures and ethnic backgrounds are present. The American Dream is a subjective phrase, with different meanings for different people. The novels Into the Wild by Jon Krakauer, The Bean Trees by Barbara Kingsolver, and I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings by Maya Angelou, portray different definitions of the American Dream. In theory, the American Dream is the thought that through hard work, anyone can achieve their goals in this country. In Into the Wild by Jon Krakauer, a wilderness explorer named Chris McCandless went from being the son of wealthy parents, to a minimalist hitchhiker having the time of his life, to dead in an abandoned bus in the Alaskan Bush. Chris was a free spirit, who paid†¦show more content†¦Taylor also struggles with finding a job, working at a local fast food establishment, for a short time. However, she is unable to keep the job because she has nobody to watch her daughter, Turtle (49-52). Taylor also has trouble with finding a place to live. She lives at the Republic Hotel for a time (49), and interviews for another household with strange women (69-71). Taylor eventually becomes happy and achieves her American Dream; but for many like her, the American Dream is just a dream. The thought is that when hard work is done, goals are achieved, but this is an ideal and not reality for most. dreams do not always come true. In the haunting novel I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, world renowned poet Maya Angelou told the story of her troubled childhood growing up as a black girl during the 1930’s. Abandoned by her parents and left with her grandmother in rural Arkansas, she quickly learned the meaning of the word â€Å"racism.† When she was eight, Maya was raped by her mother’s boyfriend. He told her not to mention this to anyone, but she confided in her brother, Bailey, and her molester was murdered (Angelou 78-86). Later, Maya worked for a white woman who never called her the correct name. This infuriated Maya, so she smashed the woman’s favorite china (107-110). Once, she visited a white dentist, but was turned away. The dentist said to Maya’s grandmother,â€Å"‘Annie, my policy is I’d rather stick my hand in a dog’sShow MoreRelatedEssay On The American Dream1004 Words   |  5 PagesThe American Dream: Is it Only a Dream? From the moment colonists stepped foot on American soil, freedom flowed through their skin. The new country would bring endless opprotunities to anyone who wished to pursue their dreams. Through years of effort, the United States was born and along with it a sense of equality and meaning. Today, America has much to stand for. Although times were rough along the way, the American dream is one of being free and having a voice. America has proven itself to beRead MoreAmerican Dream Essay3358 Words   |  14 PagesTHE AMERICAN DREAM THE AMERICAN DREAM Section #1 a. The impact cultures in North America have on the United States is that each region adapted the traditions and/or beliefs of those who settled in that area by maintaining dance, music, and crafts. Many English settlers did not respect the Native American cultures, and were seen as uncivilized and/or savages. Basically there was a clash of cultures, with new ideas pushing away old ways and mayor cultures oppressing others. b. ImmigrationRead MoreThe American Dream Essay755 Words   |  4 PagesA great dream, The American Dream. Or is it? Is my American Dream the same as your American Dream? Does it help? Or is it harmful? Do you know? â€Å"To achieve wealth, status, business, family, house, and (a) car(s).† That is the modern american dream. That’s is quite different compared to the original American Dream, â€Å"Every person has the opportunity to achieve their own idea of happiness.† Which version is your version? Or maybe your version is different. Have you thought about what different versionsRead MoreEssay on The American Dream1459 Words   |  6 PagesThe American Dream in Death of a Salesman, The Great Gatsby, and Maggie: A Girl of the Streets Millions of immigrants come to America each year to seek their American Dream. Many people believe that rising social mobility and success is possibleRead MoreEssay On The American Dream1456 Words   |  6 Pagesorder for them to come to the United States and pursue the American Dream. The American Dream has a different meaning for everyone. Many people might think of the American Dream as being able to get a job in order for them to be able to help their family members who they left back in their native country, while for others t he American Dream will be to be able to purchase their first home in the United States, while for others the American Dream might be to have a good job in order for them to pay forRead MoreAmerican Dream Essay992 Words   |  4 Pagesdifferent issues as they settle in the United States. Although these problems may vary, the message is the same; the American dream is a lot more difficult to achieve than previously thought. Although every immigrant is different in the problems they face while in the country, one problem seems to stand out from the rest. The biggest obstacle for immigrants to overcome to achieve the American dream is in the field of jobs. The biggest problem immigrants face is finding work in which they can support themselvesRead MoreThe American Dream Essay1480 Words   |  6 PagesThe American Dream is a concept that has circulated around the world and has caused people from other countries, and those who live in America, to come to our nation and take advantage of the opportunities in place to better their lives. The definition of the American Dream, provided by James Truslow Adams in his book The Epic of America (1931), is â€Å"a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement†¦It is not a dreamRead MoreThe American Dream Essay819 Words   |  4 PagesGrowing up, I always thought the â€Å"American Dream† was having a nice suburban house with a husband, a few kids, and a golden retriever. I think of people within the Middle Class had it pretty good because of the nice house and adorable, tightknit family. The drea m has never really changed, and I don’t think what my imagination of it ever will. Something else I think of when thinking about the â€Å"American Dream,† I immediately think about is all the people that come to the United States from all overRead MoreEssay On The American Dream936 Words   |  4 Pagespersecution. Starting with the European settlements in the 1600s and many waves of diverse groups of people migrated after thus creating this ideology known as the America Dream which encompasses the opportunity at a better life and growth in all aspects political, economic religious etc. But at what cost what is often forgot is the American nightmare which is included the perverse and horrifying accounts of colonialism, diaspora and slavery. Slaves were not migrants they did not come here on their ownRead MoreEssay On The American Dream1328 Words   |  6 Pagestheir personal needs. But of course, as many other families in America did and still do, they had a dream. The American Dream. Which was to come to America for a better life and provide a bett er future for their family and the future generations of the family. And I am proud to say that they accomplished that American dream. Because I, as an American who comes from Latino origins am the American dream. My family s past has had a very profound influence on me as a person. Since I was a child, I